How can an American president who is frequently associated with luxury, scandal, and provocation be regarded by devout Christians as divinely legitimized? In conversation with the Austrian Academy of Sciences (OeAW), Andrew Bunnell, a U.S. scholar of religion, sheds light on the complex world of American evangelicals: from loyalty and fear of cultural loss to a conscious identification with Donald Trump’s lifestyle. At the same time, new revelations surrounding Jeffrey Epstein could fracture the camp - yet the movement that propelled Trump to power is older, more powerful, and ultimately independent of his person.

Evangelical Groups

Why Evangelicals See Donald Trump as “Chosen by God”

Evangelical Christians are among Trump’s most loyal voting groups. American religious scholar Andrew Bunnell explains how fear and political calculation account for this unusually strong support — and what could possibly shake it.

How can a president who openly indulges in luxury, scandals, and provocation be seen by devout Christians as divinely sanctioned? In the interview, Andrew Bunnell, an American scholar of religion, explains the complex world of U.S. evangelicals: from loyalty and fear of cultural loss to a conscious identification with Trump’s lifestyle. At the same time, new revelations surrounding Jeffrey Epstein could split his base—but the movement that made Trump powerful is older, stronger, and independent of him.

How do you explain the fact that Donald Trump – a politician with an openly hedonistic lifestyle – is regarded by many evangelicals as chosen by God?

Andrew Bunnell: To understand the many different groups of evangelicals, you have to step back and consider that about 150 million people in the United States would classify themselves as evangelicals. So there are many different types of people under that label, “evangelical” somewhat similar to how many different types of classifications fall under the label “catholic” in Europe.

I see four categories in the USA. The oldest group of American evangelicals strongly oppose any entanglement of church and state. They’ve been influential – in the Constitution, in major social movements – but they’re a minority.

A second group says: We don’t approve of Trump’s lifestyle, but he’s the lesser evil compared to the political left. This is quite a large group, possibly a majority. 

The third group sees him almost as a savior figure, because they fear that they are losing the aspects of American society they cherish most. So that support is rooted in fear – fear of loss and cultural displacement.

And the fourth group is the most troubling, even if it’s the smallest. This group actually likes the very traits in Trump – the lifestyle, the rhetoric, the way he treats people – because they see themselves in him. In certain parts of the evangelical world, the internal power dynamics mirror Trump’s behavior. And so they resonate with him. “These parts of the evangelical church are primarily linked with something known as the prosperity movement, using labels like ‘Seven Mountains,’” and they are so tied to power that their Christianity is no longer really about God; it’s about maintaining influence. Trump preserves that power dynamic.

A deal with Donald Trump

In order to get elected, Trump has moved closer to evangelical hardliners. What political concessions has he made?

Bunnell: Trump had a kind of political genius. He correctly identified that there was a huge group of Americans who felt unheard by both parties – and that many of them were connected to churches. So he bypassed the party establishment and spoke directly to the people in a populist way.
If you watch his rallies, they often resemble megachurch gatherings – him on stage, the music, the emotional energy – very similar to a preacher interacting with a congregation.
And many evangelicals said: We don’t think he truly believes these things, but if we support him, we’ll get what we want. And, Trump delivered on many of those things in his first term.  In that sense, it was a sophisticated transactional decision made by many voters.

Christian nationalism

What factors are driving the enormous rise in Christian nationalism in the United States?

Bunnell: There’s been excellent academic work on this recently. In my own research, I argue that what we now call Christian nationalism was already flourishing a century ago. As mainstream churches declined, evangelical churches grew, and Christian nationalism migrated from left to right with that shift.

America has always had the idea of being a chosen nation with a special mission from God.

Today, Christian nationalism has moved firmly to the right, and as the right has risen, it has come into conflict with the liberal intellectual establishment — universities and other elite institutions. That clash has drawn new attention to Christian nationalism, even though it has been there for a long time.

The version we see now began gaining real force in the 1950s during the anti-communist era, then grew through the 60s and 70s with figures like Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, who promoted the idea of “reclaiming America for God.” What we’re seeing today is the culmination of 50, 60, 70 years of that movement gathering strength and finally reaching real political power. Very deep roots — roots intertwined with America’s national identity.

Epstein Scandal as a Test Case

Let’s talk about new revelations about Jeffrey Epstein. Do you think they could cause a deep rift within the MAGA movement?

Bunnell: It’s interesting, because this information has been around in various forms for a while. But yes, recent reporting could create a rift.
Take Marjorie Taylor Greene – a very outspoken “America First” figure. In the past month, she’s been loudly critical of the administration. She still claims to support Trump, but she’s clearly upset, feels betrayed, and even announced she was resigning from Congress.
So yes, there’s potential for division.

Among the evangelical groups I described earlier, some of them could turn away from Trump if they become convinced that he was connected to the Epstein network.

But: even if Trump’s support collapses, the movement that empowered him does not disappear. That movement existed long before Trump, and it will find a new leader if Trump becomes inconvenient or too toxic.

But: I am talking here about institutionalised religion as an instrument of political power. This is something completely different from individual belief and personal faith. This distinction is important. Many people with sincere beliefs are today wrestling with issues such as the Epstein revelations for reasons of conscience.